The art market we have today did not pop up overnight. It was
created by the great liquidity of late twentieth-century wealth. Sell a block
of shares, shift the money elsewhere. But liquids do not flow where you want
them to go unless you dig channels, and this patient hydraulic effort has been,
since 1960 at least, one of the wonders of cultural engineering. The big
project of the art market over the last 25 years has been to convince everyone
that works of art, though they don’t bear interest, offer such dramatic and
consistent capital gains along with the intangible pleasures of ownership –
what Berenson might have called “untactile values” – that they are worth
investing large sums of money in. This creation of confidence, I sometimes
think, is the cultural artifact of the last half of the twentieth century, far
more striking than any given painting or sculpture. Its origins lie in the
mid-1960’s, and although it is hard to assign a single starting-point to a
cultural movement so diffuse and international in scope, I think of it as
beginning with a curious enterprise called the Times/Sotheby Art Indexes, which
created much interest in London and afterwards in New York around 1966.
These indexes were the brainchild
of a public-relations man who had been hired by Peter Wilson, the chairman of
Sotheby’s, to spruce up the somewhat fuddy-duddy image of his house; and what
they purported to give was reliable statistics on the price movements of all
manner of works of art – seicento
Bolognese drawings, netsuke, Old
Master prints, nineteenth-century animalier bronzes, Chinese porcelain –
showing, in an extremely generalized way, how everything was going up by 25 to
200 percent per year. They were short, undetailed, memorable and embellished
with graphs.
Perhaps it was the graphs that did
it. They gave these tendentious little essays the trustworthy look of the Times
financial page. They objectified the hitherto dicey idea of art investment.
They made it seem hard-headed and realistic to own art. From this modest beginning
the idea ramified, and for the next ten years it was rare to open an airline
magazine without finding yet another excited piece of hackwork puffing the idea
of art investment. By 1980 the idea had become so familiar that it was no
longer necessary to stress it, and the collector-as-investor dropped out of
favor as a journalistic hero; even the dealers felt that such people should not
be paraded too much, partly because it seemed a bit vulgar, and partly, I would
guess, because prices had already gone so high, and confidence in their
continued ascent was so well implanted, that it was time to talk about eternal
spiritual values again.
This confidence feeds and is fed by
a huge and complicated root-system in scholarship, criticism, journalism, PR
and museum policy. And it cannot be allowed to falter or lapse, because of the
inherently irrational nature of art as a commodity. There is no way of
coherently discussing a work of art in terms of the labor theory of value, or
considering its price as a function of the cost of its ingredients. Paintings
are not like hog carcasses or cars or microchips. They do not have an objective
value that rises from their material contents. You cannot turn them into
something else, or use them to process other things into a different form. Art
prices are determined by the meeting of real or induced scarcity with pure,
irrational desire, and nothing is more manipulable than desire.
The market is always converting
works of art into passive fictions of eternity and immutability, of
transcendent value for which no price may necessarily be too high. When the
word “priceless” crops up, the haggling has only just begun. Hence the battered
state of the word “masterpiece,” which used to mean a work that proved an
artist’s graduation into full professional skill, but now means an object whose
aura and accumulated myth strike people temporarily blind and render their
judgment timid. It refers more to myths of status than processes of comparison,
and that kind of myth-making is the seed of what the New York dealer Ben
Heller, in one of the great Freudian slips of recent art history, was heard to
call “creative pricing.”
It is the element of fantasy in the
art market, the sense that art prices are so weakly tied to more mundane kinds
of economic activity, and that there is something neurotic about them, that
gives them their odd lability. The art market can be set pitching and rolling
by a single act, which is why it is so notoriously vulnerable to manipulation.
A ring of three of four promoters can bid up the price of a dubious young star
painter at auction, and although the New York art world may know what’s going
on, the collectors in Akron, Ohio, are not so likely to – all they see is the
price, which was, after all, publicly bid and duly paid, and is henceforth
true.
A large wine-dark painting by the
late Mark Rothko was sold at Sotheby’s some months ago to a Japanese collector
for a record price for Rothkos – 1.8 million dollars. It was not merely
restored, but extensively repainted. More than a square meter of its original
paint was gone, and it had spent many months being redone in that costly Forest
Lawn for elderly, battered abstract expressionists run by Mr. Goldreyer on Long
Island. Now at the time of the sale there were at least four Rothkos of
equivalent quality and historical interest on the New York market, none of them
damaged, all priced at around $400,000. If ever a record price was attained by
ignorance, this was it. Yet nobody minded; the painting is now comfortably
ensconced in some distant tokonoma, and the sale, instead of being seen as a
freakish event concerning a compromised picture, doubled Rothko’s prices
overnight.
Something much more dramatic
happened with Jackson Pollock’s Blue
Poles, which was sold to the Australian government for 2.2 million dollars,
more than ten years ago. My fellow-countrymen were rather proud of beating Ben
Heller’s creative asking price down from three million. Nobody had even thought
of asking so much for a Pollock; but of course the market gratefully rallied
behind this heroic example and every Pollock in the world quintupled in price
overnight, thus enabling the National Gallery of Australia to announce that Blue Poles was really cheap. The
Australian press, in its skepticism, refused to buy this, and the resulting
hullabaloo over the price of Blue Poles
helped to bring Gough Whitlam’s Labor government down in 1973. But by that time
the myth of price attached to Blue Poles was unstoppable. Around 1977 the Shah
of Iran tried to buy it from Australia for 8 million dollars; we refused, and
the extravagant Shah had to find another way to fall. The moral of such events,
the skeptic would say, is that the fair price of art defines itself
reflexively. A fair price is the highest one a collector can be induced to pay.
Once it is established it shows its fairness by reforming the level of the
market.
The art market today takes its
stand on two articles of faith. The first is the dogma of the Perpetual
Resurrection of the Dead. It holds that everything old can be revived. The
second concerns the Miracle of Van Gogh’s Ear, which teaches the unbeliever
that nothing new may be rejected. To say that these propositions might
contradict one another is impolite. They do, but it makes no practical
difference. Their purpose is to ensure a heavy flow of product for the art
market, despite the fact that the supply of good past art is dwindling and the
supply of good present art is, to put it mildly, not getting that much more
copious.
Let us look at the implications for
historical art first.
A hundred or 200 years ago, Old
Master prices were low – with all exceptions granted – because the supply
exceeded the demand. From the attics of ducal homes in Kent to the crypts of
churches in Umbria, Europe was crammed with unrecorded, uncleaned, unrestored,
unstudied works of art, the raw material for another century of intensive
dealing. The number of collectors then, as against today, was tiny. And the
support system that we take for granted as a normal part of the landscape did
not exist. Few and unsystematic museums; fewer departments of art history and
the pensioni of Florence were not
full of anxious doctoral candidates swotting up for their dissertation on the
size of the Christ Child’s organ in a previously unrecorded predella fragment by the Master of the
Bambino Vispo, and whether this holy member signified ostentatio or pudicitas.
It must have seemed, then, that
there was no possibility of the demand for Old Master painting outstripping the
supply. The historical deposit seemed as inexhaustible as the herds of
elephants on the Serengeti plain. In fact, it was as soon depleted. Our
great-grandfathers could not have foreseen what the growth of the museum age
would do. And as the major works entered museums, there was more competition
for the minor, ones; and then the task of revival and re-evaluation of schools
and artists for whom our Victorian forbears had no time at all began in
earnest. In due course there would be no schools or artists left to rescue from
oblivion. There is no oblivion.
Today, virtually everything that
was made in the past is equally revived: there will be more argument about its
meaning and its relative merits, but the universal resurrection of the formerly
dead is pretty well an accomplished fact. In this way the disinterested motives
of the scholar go hand in hand with the intentions of the art market. To
resurrect something, to study and endow it with a pedigree, is to make it
saleable. And what is not worth studying for esthetic ends can generally be
revived by an appeal to the sensibility of camp. Twenty years ago the word
“antique” had an agreed meaning: it denoted something not less than 100 years
old. Today it is used indiscriminately of anything made the day before
yesterday, like 1940’s nutmeg graters. For those objects which were too
ephemeral, ugly, dumb or recent even to pass as modernist archaeology, the word
“collectible” was invented. ¥¥
— Robert Hughes, from Art and
Money (1984).
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